This is an ambitious book, considering that there are so many linguistic families in the Americas, far more than in Europe or Asia, more than in Africa, more even than on New Guinea. But Campbell handles this huge task as well as he could, considering that he wants to fit it all into only 512 pages.
Three of the chapters list all the known families and isolates in the Americas, providing for each family a list of languages, often grouped according to some subgrouping, mentioning where some languages are located, in some cases providing a list of phonemes of the proto-language, mentioning what families each family has often been linked with. Though at least in case of the alleged Paezan stock, he puts the stock among these families, even though the stock is far from proven, as he himself admits. He also puts Otomanguean family there, claiming it is proven, though I consider it an unproven family.
Then he has an excellent chapter assessing the faulty methods used to try to relate families to each other, when the evidence is really insufficient. This is followed by a chapter evaluating in some detail several of the more popular unproven groupings, and assessing some other proposals. He gives also his assessment of the probability of each proposal being true, and how confident he is of the assessment. For most of the proposals, very little is given here, after all, he has to fit it all into one book.
He also has a chapter on linguistic areas, showing for each area what are the typological linguistic features of the area.
In general, it is a very useful book, a good contrast to the lumping of families together that some linguists have tried to do. After all, the Americas are not like Europe or Asia, where huge conquests have eliminated much of the former linguistic diversity, and so only a few families and isolates are left. Or in Australia, where some ancient conquest, maybe due to the ancient invasion from India, has resulted in most of Australia having only one family, Pama-Nyungan. The Americas have apparently never had such large conquests (until the recent conquests from Europe), so the rich diversity of families and isolates has been preserved, except of course some languages are already extinct due to the European conquests, and Campbell notes for each language whether it is already extinct. But not unexpectedly, languages which became extinct without science getting any linguistic information about them, are usually not even mentioned, as nothing can really be said about them besides location.
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American Indian Languages: The Historical Linguistics of Native America (Oxford Studies in Anthropological Linguistics) ペーパーバック – 2000/10/12
英語版
Lyle Campbell
(著)
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Native American languages are spoken from Siberia to Greenland, and from the Arctic to Tierra del Fuego; they include the southernmost language of the world (Yaghan) and some of the northernmost (Eskimoan). Campbell's project is to take stock of what is currently known about the history of Native American languages and in the process examine the state of American-Indian historical linguistics, and the success and failure of its various methodologies.
There is remarkably little consensus in the field, largely due to the 1987 publication of Language in the Americas by Joseph Greenberg. He claimed to trace a historical relation between all American Indian languages of North and South America, implying that most of the Western Hemisphere was settled by a single wave of immigration from Asia. This has caused intense controversy and Campbell, as a leading scholar in the field, intends this volume to be, in part, a response to Greenberg. Finally, Campbell demonstrates that the historical study of Native American languages has always relied on up-to-date methodology and theoretical assumptions and did not, as is often believed, lag behind the European historical linguistic tradition.
There is remarkably little consensus in the field, largely due to the 1987 publication of Language in the Americas by Joseph Greenberg. He claimed to trace a historical relation between all American Indian languages of North and South America, implying that most of the Western Hemisphere was settled by a single wave of immigration from Asia. This has caused intense controversy and Campbell, as a leading scholar in the field, intends this volume to be, in part, a response to Greenberg. Finally, Campbell demonstrates that the historical study of Native American languages has always relied on up-to-date methodology and theoretical assumptions and did not, as is often believed, lag behind the European historical linguistic tradition.
- 本の長さ528ページ
- 言語英語
- 出版社Oxford University Press
- 発売日2000/10/12
- 寸法24.59 x 19.2 x 2.82 cm
- ISBN-100195140508
- ISBN-13978-0195140507
商品の説明
レビュー
"Campbell's book can serve both as our manifesto and as our textbook."--Language in Society"This is an excellent book, an extraordinarily useful volume for anyone whose work and interests involve languages of the Americas or, more generally, the methods and results of historical linguistics....This is a true and thoroughly authoritative handbook."--Mother Tongue"It's the kind of book I wish had been available when I was a student and would have saved me many long hours and fruitless searches in libraries....It will be used for a long time to come and well after the furor about Greenberg has died down."--Margaret Langdon, University of California, San Diego"A wealth of useful information is provided....The author has compiled and sifted information from a vast area of scholarship, making this as complete and up-to-date a guide to this subject as one could wish."--Choice
登録情報
- 出版社 : Oxford University Press; Revised版 (2000/10/12)
- 発売日 : 2000/10/12
- 言語 : 英語
- ペーパーバック : 528ページ
- ISBN-10 : 0195140508
- ISBN-13 : 978-0195140507
- 寸法 : 24.59 x 19.2 x 2.82 cm
- カスタマーレビュー:
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Thomas Martin
5つ星のうち4.0
Excellent overview of all the known families and major proposals of families in the Americas.
2014年2月28日にアメリカ合衆国でレビュー済みAmazonで購入
Theodore Keer
5つ星のうち1.0
Where's the Data?
2002年4月22日にアメリカ合衆国でレビュー済みAmazonで購入
This book never delivers on its title. Thoroughly miserable, its focus is purely negative: an ad hoc piecemeal attack on the author's apparent bugbear, Joseph Greenberg. Buy it only if you wish to be told what to believe, without being given any evidence upon which to judge yourself.
Rather than offering his own arguments in support of any genetic relationships, Campbell spends his time attacking portions of the evidence that other classifiers offer. He never addresses the overall context of any circumstance. He remains silent in the face of any evidence he can't refute. The supposed cognates he disputes are almost never given for the reader to judge. Native forms in general are quite rare, and those spread throughout the book might fill two pages of the total work, three at most.
Whether one proposes three, two-dozen, or the over 50 "un-relatable" North American stocks that Campbell clings to, any book that purports to study the "Historical Linguistics of Native America" should at least be chock-full of native words or texts, with grammatical sketches and detailed phonetic transcriptions, if not cladograms or posited family trees. Campbell gives us almost nothing. For the majority of "isolates" or families we get a mere list of phonemes without the context of even one single native word. (What would a mere list of the phonemes of English tell you about its history or relationships? Except for Hungarian rounded front vowels and English interdental fricatives, the palatal versus the velar nasal, and /w/, the phonemes of English and Hungarian overlap almost completely. German and Hungarian look like siblings, phonetically. Comparing phonemes alone, one might think Japanese and Spanish were close relatives, while French might appear to come from West Africa.) In a few families case endings or pronouns are given, but never once any full paradigms.
The maps given are available elsewhere. There is not one full sketch, brief text, or even partial lexicostatistical wordlist!
This book's fatal flaw is its exclusively negative focus. Pages upon pages list references in English to secondary and tertiary sources, but the subject languages themselves are studiously ignored. Never making any positive argument of his own, he never feels obliged to provide the one thing a thinking reader wants, the evidence.
Campbell further embarrasses himself with his uniquely idiosyncratic system of probability analysis. He cites various theories of distant relationships proposed by other scholars. He then (admittedly subjectively) grades the likeliness of these theories, not on a scale of 0% to 100% as is universally accepted, but rather on a scale of positive to negative (!) 100%, with a 0% probability on his scale indicating an actual probability of 50%.
For example, he finds the Tlingit-Eyak-Athabaskan hypothesis to have a +75% probability, by which he means that it is actually 87.5% likely. But to the Na Dene hypothesis (the above family linked to Haida) he gives a 0% probability, by which means an actual 50% likelihood. Any link between Zuni and Penutian (however constituted) he gives a -80% probability. Yes, that's a "negative eighty percent," by which he means an actual possibility of 10%.
Confused? Then don't buy this book. Marianne Mithun's "The Languages of North America" is an excellent general source for north of the Rio Grande, with a conservative classification, a well-specimened typological overview of the documented variation, and at least a phonology, sketch, and brief text of each language family. Maps of North America are as good as Campbell's.
Campbell may be the most "respected" authority in his field, as were Ptolemy, St. Augustine, and the Malleus Maleficarum in their days. But this evidence-free work certainly gives no evidence as to why. I would suggest that those students of Campbell's giving him such glowing reviews refute me by providing just one set of comparative texts or paradigms from this vacuous pseudo-academic pontification.
Rather than offering his own arguments in support of any genetic relationships, Campbell spends his time attacking portions of the evidence that other classifiers offer. He never addresses the overall context of any circumstance. He remains silent in the face of any evidence he can't refute. The supposed cognates he disputes are almost never given for the reader to judge. Native forms in general are quite rare, and those spread throughout the book might fill two pages of the total work, three at most.
Whether one proposes three, two-dozen, or the over 50 "un-relatable" North American stocks that Campbell clings to, any book that purports to study the "Historical Linguistics of Native America" should at least be chock-full of native words or texts, with grammatical sketches and detailed phonetic transcriptions, if not cladograms or posited family trees. Campbell gives us almost nothing. For the majority of "isolates" or families we get a mere list of phonemes without the context of even one single native word. (What would a mere list of the phonemes of English tell you about its history or relationships? Except for Hungarian rounded front vowels and English interdental fricatives, the palatal versus the velar nasal, and /w/, the phonemes of English and Hungarian overlap almost completely. German and Hungarian look like siblings, phonetically. Comparing phonemes alone, one might think Japanese and Spanish were close relatives, while French might appear to come from West Africa.) In a few families case endings or pronouns are given, but never once any full paradigms.
The maps given are available elsewhere. There is not one full sketch, brief text, or even partial lexicostatistical wordlist!
This book's fatal flaw is its exclusively negative focus. Pages upon pages list references in English to secondary and tertiary sources, but the subject languages themselves are studiously ignored. Never making any positive argument of his own, he never feels obliged to provide the one thing a thinking reader wants, the evidence.
Campbell further embarrasses himself with his uniquely idiosyncratic system of probability analysis. He cites various theories of distant relationships proposed by other scholars. He then (admittedly subjectively) grades the likeliness of these theories, not on a scale of 0% to 100% as is universally accepted, but rather on a scale of positive to negative (!) 100%, with a 0% probability on his scale indicating an actual probability of 50%.
For example, he finds the Tlingit-Eyak-Athabaskan hypothesis to have a +75% probability, by which he means that it is actually 87.5% likely. But to the Na Dene hypothesis (the above family linked to Haida) he gives a 0% probability, by which means an actual 50% likelihood. Any link between Zuni and Penutian (however constituted) he gives a -80% probability. Yes, that's a "negative eighty percent," by which he means an actual possibility of 10%.
Confused? Then don't buy this book. Marianne Mithun's "The Languages of North America" is an excellent general source for north of the Rio Grande, with a conservative classification, a well-specimened typological overview of the documented variation, and at least a phonology, sketch, and brief text of each language family. Maps of North America are as good as Campbell's.
Campbell may be the most "respected" authority in his field, as were Ptolemy, St. Augustine, and the Malleus Maleficarum in their days. But this evidence-free work certainly gives no evidence as to why. I would suggest that those students of Campbell's giving him such glowing reviews refute me by providing just one set of comparative texts or paradigms from this vacuous pseudo-academic pontification.