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The Anti-Enlightenment Tradition ハードカバー – 2009/12/22
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In this masterful work of historical scholarship, Zeev Sternhell, an internationally renowned Israeli political scientist and historian, presents a controversial new view of the fall of democracy and the rise of radical nationalism in the twentieth century. Sternhell locates their origins in the eighteenth century with the advent of the Anti-Enlightenment, far earlier than most historians.
The thinkers belonging to the Anti-Enlightenment (a movement originally identified by Friederich Nietzsche) represent a perspective that is antirational and that rejects the principles of natural law and the rights of man. Sternhell asserts that the Anti-Enlightenment was a development separate from the Enlightenment and sees the two traditions as evolving parallel to one another over time. He contends that J. G. Herder and Edmund Burke are among the real founders of the Anti-Enlightenment and shows how that school undermined the very foundations of modern liberalism, finally contributing to the development of fascism that culminated in the European catastrophes of the twentieth century.
- 本の長さ544ページ
- 言語英語
- 出版社Yale University Press
- 発売日2009/12/22
- 寸法23.62 x 16 x 4.06 cm
- ISBN-100300135548
- ISBN-13978-0300135541
商品の説明
レビュー
"Few scholars comprehend the nexus between Counter-Enlightenment discourse and fascist ideology as well as Zeev Sternhell. In Anti-Enlightenment Tradition, Sternhell provides a series of provocative and disturbing arguments to demonstrate convincingly just how fraught and intimate those linkages were. Anti-Enlightenment Tradition represents a landmark and transformative contribution to the political history of ideas."―Richard Wolin, author of The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism
-- Richard Wolin"Zeev Sternhell is one of the most original scholars dealing with the historical roots of fascism and the European Right. This new book is a masterly synthesis which will generate vigorous debate and open new vistas for the understanding of contemporary political thought."―Saul Friedlander, author of The Years of Extermination -- Saul Friedlander
"In his The Anti-Enlightenment Tradition, Professor Sternhell has provided us another work of impeccable scholarship and intellectual stimulation. It is recommended to all who are interested in the fate of our civilization."―A. James Gregor, University of California, Berkeley
-- A. James Gregor"Everything Zeev Sternhell writes is powerful and challenging, and this book is no exception. At a time when Enlightenment values are again under attack, this history of anti-Enlightenment thought is important and timely."―Robert Tombs, University of Cambridge
-- Robert Tombs“In this learned and impassioned book, Zeev Sternhell mounts a major offensive against thinkers―be they conservative or liberal, from Edmund Burke to Isaiah Berlin―that he considers as the enemies of Enlightenment values. Even readers who disagree with Sternhell's thesis will have to admire the scope and force of his argument. This book is a crowning achievement of his long and distinguished career.”―Susan Suleiman, author of Crisis of Memory and the Second World War -- Susan Suleiman
"Few people know the power of evil ideas more intimately than Zeev Sternhell."―Adam Kirsch, Tablet Magazine -- Adam Kirsch ― Tablet Magazine Published On: 2010-01-05
著者について
Zeev Sternhell, who won the 2008 Israel Prize in political science, is Leon Blum Professor of Political Science, Hebrew University.
登録情報
- 出版社 : Yale University Press (2009/12/22)
- 発売日 : 2009/12/22
- 言語 : 英語
- ハードカバー : 544ページ
- ISBN-10 : 0300135548
- ISBN-13 : 978-0300135541
- 寸法 : 23.62 x 16 x 4.06 cm
- Amazon 売れ筋ランキング: - 1,135,402位洋書 (洋書の売れ筋ランキングを見る)
- - 846位Fascism
- - 955位Political Advocacy Books
- - 3,615位Human Rights
- カスタマーレビュー:
著者について
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Throughout the book, Sternhell stresses that the picture is far from black and white. Many of the thinkers on both sides expose a mixed array of ideas. Here a comparison to Jonathan Israel might be instructive - or perhaps complicate matters even more. Whereas Sternhell treats the Enlightenment and Anti-Enlightenment as both being modern, Israel makes a further distinction between radical Enlightenment and moderate Enlightenment. In his recent book, The Revolution of the Mind, Israel places Herder not only within the Enlightenment but in its radical faction (Israel 2010, p. 70). As an example he contrasts Herder's critique of the European colonial empires with Hume's much more conservative stance. Sternhell, on the other hand, emphasizes Voltaire's earlier and more extensive interest in foreign peoples and cultures. He also says that no unprejudiced reading of Herder can accept only one view. In his alas very short foreword to Ernst Cassirer's classic The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, Peter Gay draws our attention to this apparent paradox. Cassirer says that when Herder parts company with his age, his conquest of the Enlightenment is a genuine self-conquest. "Herder's achievement is in fact one of the greatest intellectual triumphs of the philosophy of the Enlightenment" (Cassirer 1932, Princeton University Press 2009, p. 233).
Which ideas belong to which school of thought might thus sometimes be difficult to perceive. Nevertheless there is a distinct pattern to be discerned. For Sternhell there runs a straight line from the Anti-Enlightenment of Herder and Burke over Spengler and Schmitt to Kristol and Himmelfarb. The book also contains lengthy discussions of less familiar names such as Barrès, Renan and Taine. That this philosophical tradition, with its emphasis on antirationalism, relativism and nationalism, bears more responsibility for the horrors of the 20th century than the ideals of humanism, universal values and democracy, is for him beyond doubt. The Anti-enlightenment was not a countermodernity, but constitutes a different modernity in its revolt against rationality, the autonomy of the individual and natural rights. "It was this other modernity that brought about the twentieth century European catastrophe, " Sternhell states in his introduction. These thinkers were revolutionaries of a new kind; Burke was the first representative of Anti-Enlightenment modernity and invented revolutionary conservatism. Together with Herder he mobilized national sentiment and tradition against reason and the autonomy of the individual. "Despite appearances they were neither reactionary nor traditionalist nor conservative" (p. 292). In the first half of the twentieth century, this gave rise to the revolutionary Right and the conservative revolution.
Zeev Sternhell, born in 1935, is Professor Emeritus of Political Sciences at Hebrew University and a leading expert on fascism. If not exactly a page-turner, this book slowly gets you in its grip. Notwithstanding doubts about the translation and generally exhibiting a rather humourless style, it's hard to put down. You cannot argue about the scholarly effort either; the sheer magnitude of Sternhell's erudition is awe-inspiring. The Anti-Enlightenment Tradition is a book to come back to time and again for facts, references as well as for a wealth of ideas - some unquestionably controversial.
Sternhell ties these figures to a "second modernity," a political tradition based on the primacy of the community and the subordination of the individual to the collectivity. These men were averse to Rousseau, Kant, and the philosophes. They rejected the notion of universal natural rights and doubted that society might be re-made through the application of reason without fomenting disaster. Sternhell paints them as cultural relativists whose inclinations provided a conceptual framework for the European ethnic nationalism of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
One gets a good sense of what Sternhell objects to most in this tradition by his exclusion of Nietzsche, even though he credits the German with the invention of the term "Gegen-Aufklärung" and calls him "the greatest enemy of Enlightenment thought ever." Nietzsche stands apart from these others, the author believes, "owing to his violent antinationalism, his intense hostility to anti-Semitism, his unremitting cosmopolitanism, his aristocratic individualism, his attraction to France, [and] his admiration of Voltaire and Rousseau."
Sternhell's apparent primary purpose is to demonstrate the weaknesses, prejudices, contradictions, and ill consequences of the "second modernity," and at this he mostly succeeds. Though he is clearly an unabashed partisan, he gives less emphasis to defending the Enlightenment targets. Yet certain of the Anti-Enlightenment critiques exposed genuine soft spots in Enlightenment thought (unquestioned faith in reason on the part of some, for example). Sternhell does not dwell much on these vulnerabilities nor ponder where the Anti-Enlightenment critiques may perhaps have desirably tempered the principles he champions.
Sternhell's argument is clearly and forcefully presented and he does an admirable job of distilling the key ideas and inter-connections of the dozens of figures he covers. The text does not appear to have suffered from translation from the original French. Certain points are repeated often, but this seems partly unavoidable because of the need to compare each thinker to the others. A reader seeking to get the gist of Sternhell's message and also to learn a lot about a few of the principal antagonists could probably get by with only the 39 page introduction. Serious students of intellectual history will be further rewarded by going on from there.
Zeev Sternhell may be a scholar, but this is not a scholarly work. It is a polemical tract, a leftist political screed. It seems to have been written backwards. That is, the author seems to have been moved to write his epilogue [prologue] about the horrors of contemporary conservatism and neo-conservatism, which he mixes up, how bad Irving Kristol, George W. Bush and the Republican party are, and then backs up to 'prove' the last 20 pages with 420 pages of 'research.'
Sternhell relentlessly, uncritically finds zero good in those who dare to oppose the philosophes and their heirs, and finds everything of the enlightenment virtually infallible and unquestionable. Most of the book is a compilation of a philosophical enemies list, rogues' gallery, that Edmund Burke and J.G. Herder are very bad, and Thomas Carlyle, Ernst Renan, Irving Berlin and others are just bad.
The fundamental contention of the book is incorrect. Sternhell believes that the essence of the enlightenment [whoever dogmatically ordained that this word had to be capitalized?] was the declaration by natural law of universal human rights. While these admittedly admirable rights are close to the top of the enlightenment agenda, it is well known that the heart of the enlightenment, especially in France, was a cri de coeur against religion, most especially Christianity in its Catholic visage, in favor of at least skepticism, agnosticism, and often for atheism. The base of the enlightenment was an attack on the Christian doctrine of original sin, and less so of personal sin. If there is sin of neither kind, their is no need for the savior Jesus Christ, so Christianity is defenestrated.
Therefore, the whole book is a non sequitur. Yes, Burke, Herder et alia chided the enlighteners' reliance on allegedly universal [=western European], but their main horror of the enlightenment was its atheism, which was rightly summarized by Nietzsche, 'if God does not exist, anything is permitted.'
Yale University Press and those who wrote the back page blurbs should be ashamed of themselves. Sternhell is rightly outraged by the gas chambers, but acts as if the guillotines and the Dictator Napoleon, responsible for countless other deaths, never existed.
In his very subjective, emotional epilog, Sternhell trots out many subtle cliches, often ad hominem or ad feminam. Gertrude Himmelfarb is the "high priestess" of neo-conservatism. On p. 435, he criticizes Irving Kristol and other American conservatives with the ultimate weasel-words, "would seem infantile to others"['seems, madam, i know not seems'] [who are these "others" to whom it seems?] And who are those geniuses would see the current USA as a "pre-modern country," as if those words ipso facto meant 'bad.' On p. 442, Sternhell reinforces the book's cover, saying "the central axis" of Kristol etc said and did such and so. I challenge any leftie to honestly contend that the words "central axis," redolent of WWII Germany, Italy, and Japan, were an accident.
Finally, the attitude of this book that most bugged me was its self-righteousness. It is fine that Sternhell is a rock-ribbed liberal defender of the enlightenment. But he not only strongly attacks his adversaries' opinions, which is what intellectual debate is all about, but avers that anyone who has the audacity to disagree with him is not only wrong, but also a bad person. If that is not infantile, it is at least adolescent.