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The Purchase Of Intimacy ハードカバー – 2005/8/1
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In their personal lives, people consider it essential to separate economics and intimacy. We have, for example, a long-standing taboo against workplace romance, while we see marital love as different from prostitution because it is not a fundamentally financial exchange. In The Purchase of Intimacy, Viviana Zelizer mounts a provocative challenge to this view. Getting to the heart of one of life's greatest taboos, she shows how we all use economic activity to create, maintain, and renegotiate important ties--especially intimate ties--to other people.
In everyday life, we invest intense effort and worry to strike the right balance. For example, when a wife's income equals or surpasses her husband's, how much more time should the man devote to household chores or child care? Sometimes legal disputes arise. Should the surviving partner in a same-sex relationship have received compensation for a partner's death as a result of 9/11?
Through a host of compelling examples, Zelizer shows us why price is central to three key areas of intimacy: sexually tinged relations; health care by family members, friends, and professionals; and household economics. She draws both on research and materials ranging from reports on compensation to survivors of 9/11 victims to financial management Web sites and advice books for same-sex couples.
From the bedroom to the courtroom, The Purchase of Intimacy opens a fascinating new window on the inner workings of the economic processes that pervade our private lives.
- 本の長さ356ページ
- 言語英語
- 出版社Princeton Univ Pr
- 発売日2005/8/1
- 寸法15.88 x 2.54 x 23.5 cm
- ISBN-100691124086
- ISBN-13978-0691124087
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- 出版社 : Princeton Univ Pr (2005/8/1)
- 発売日 : 2005/8/1
- 言語 : 英語
- ハードカバー : 356ページ
- ISBN-10 : 0691124086
- ISBN-13 : 978-0691124087
- 寸法 : 15.88 x 2.54 x 23.5 cm
- カスタマーレビュー:
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Contrary to the common view of separate spheres or conflicting realms, people often mingle economic activity with intimacy. Across a wide range of intimate relations, people manage to integrate monetary transfers into large webs of mutual obligations without destroying the social ties involved. Intimate relations not only incorporate economic activity, but depend on it and organize it. Money cohabits regularly with intimacy, and even sustains it.
Then why is it that people worry so much about mixing intimacy and economic transactions, fearing for example that introducing money into friendship, marriage, or parent-child relations will corrupt them, or stating emphatically that sentiments have no place in a commercial relationship?
The idea that economic claims and human relationships belong to hostile worlds emerge from the effort to mark and defend boundaries between categories of social ties that contain some common elements and that, if confused, would threaten existing relations of trust. Looking meticulously at caring relations reveals that participants themselves do not contend over whether those relations should involve economic transactions. They contend instead over the appropriate matches among relations, media, and transactions. For participants, the secret is to match the right sort of monetary payment with the social transaction at hand. The matching depends strongly on the definition of the social ties among the parties. People therefore adopt symbols, rituals, practices and physically distinguishable forms of money to mark distinct social relations.
In Viviana Zelizer's words, people perform "relational work" by creating viable matches between personal ties, transactions, media, and boundaries. Economic practices such as major purchases, household budgets, provision of health care, and ceremonial gifts engage participants in selecting appropriate media for payment, matching that media with transactions, assigning meaning to their relationships, and marking boundaries that separate intimate relationships from other relationships with which they might easily and dangerously be confused. Relational work includes the establishment of differentiated social ties, their maintenance, their reshaping, their distinction from other relations, and sometimes their termination.
What happens when participants in intimate social relations bring their disputes to court? Courts also perform a variety of relational work. They consult a matrix of possible relations among the parties involved, locate the relationship at hand within that matrix, establish distinctions from other relationships, and within the relationship insist on the proper matching of relations, transactions, and media. In their reasoning, courts strongly invoke separate spheres and hostile worlds arguments. They defend the principle that the home should be protected from market influences, and that business should not mix with pleasure, since contamination runs in both directions. But in practice courts engage in a complex matching of certain forms of intimacy to particular types of economic transactions. They discriminate strongly between appropriate and inappropriate matchings. In fact, both ordinary practice and legal doctrine accept and even encourage the mingling of intimate care with economic transactions, just so long as the proper matching of relationship, transaction, and medium occurs.
Viviana Zelizer brings a wide variety of sociological studies and legal cases to illustrate her point. Readers will discover the world of taxi dancing, when a ten-cent ticket could buy you sixty seconds of dancing with a young woman. They will learn about the power plays that occur between children and their grandparents who depend on the remittances sent by Dominican immigrants. They will seize the crucial distinctions that people make to characterize a social relationship and to distinguish it from similar relations. Is the person hired to provide care for children a babysitter, someone sitting in, a day mother, a nanny, a caregiver, a special friend, or the neighbors' daughter? Are people going on a date together hooking up, going out, hanging around, going steady, seeing a "friend with benefits" or simply dating? And who gets to pay the bill?
This book also offers a glimpse into the social meaning of money. Money is gendered: "when his money pays for certain essential expenses, they are necessary; when her money does, they are extras". It is non-fungible: far from treating lump payments from the earned income tax credit as simply more income of the same old kind, households typically distinguish "tax money" from "paycheck money", often earmarking windfall money for exceptional commitments, such as down payments on houses, buying cars, consumer durables, school tuition, family celebrations, and liquidation of major debts. The type of payment system matters for the relation: in fact, even in the economic world, we have extensive evidence of how much the form of compensation matters for CEOs of large companies, who ordinarily receive a wide range of perquisites in addition to straight monetary payments.
The legal case studies in the book also introduce many arcane legal categories: prenuptial agreement, conditional gifts, exchange of considerations, breach of promise, alienation of affection, lost marital consortium, undue influence, the law of coverture or the legal doctrine of meretricious consideration. Each of these terms brings its own set of further understandings and legal practices.
One motivation behind the study is to open the space for arguments that are silenced by the strict separation between intimacy and economic exchange. Feminist legal scholars, for instance, claim that separation of spheres fundamentally undermines women's interest.Turning traditional women's work exclusively into a matter of sentiment dangerously obscures its economic value. "Women's key problem has been too little commodification, not too much". The assumption that family work is an expression of love disregards that family work is also labor. The principle that money cannot buy love may have the unintended and perverse consequence of perpetuating low pay for face-to-face service work.
As the author concludes, "we should stop agonizing over whether or not money corrupts, but instead analyze what combinations of economic activity and intimate relations produce happier, more just, and more productive lives."