The amount of high quality research and insight in this book is, at the risk of hyperbole, quite spectacular. Although the author's writing style and I didn't always jive, I thoroughly enjoyed this book and learned a lot about Chiang Kai-Shek, Sun Yat-sen, and Republican China by reading it.
My main complaint, and the reason I am only allotting 4 stars, is that the book essentially ends in 1949 as Chiang and the Kuomintang evacuate the mainland. I am interested in reading some expert analysis as to why, despite both starting as poor totalitarian states that paid lip-service to democracy, the ROC on Taiwan slowly morphed into an actual democracy while the PRC on the mainland remains a democracy in name only. There are some more recent works (Taylor, 2011) that appear to touch on the Taiwan period as well that may offer more insight in that regard.
Highly recommended nonetheless!
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Chiang Kai Shek: China's Generalissimo and the Nation He Lost ペーパーバック – 2005/1/3
英語版
Jonathan Fenby
(著)
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With a narrative as briskly paced and vividly detailed as an international thriller, this definitive biography of Chiang Kai-shek masterfully maps the tumultuous political career of Nationalist China's generalissimo as it reevaluates his brave but unfulfilled life. Chiang Kai-shek was one of the most influential world figures of the twentieth century. The leader of the Kuomintang, the Nationalist movement in China, by 1928 he had established himself as head of the government in Nanking. But while he managed to survive the political storms of the 1930s, Chiang's power was continually being undermined by the Japanese on one side and the Chinese Communists on the other. Drawing extensively on original Chinese sources and accounts by contemporaneous journalists, acclaimed author Jonathan Fenby explores little-known international connections in Chiang's story as he unfolds a story as fascinating in its conspiratorial intrigues as it is remarkable for its psychological insights. This is the definitive biography of the man who, despite his best intentions, helped create modern-day China.
- 本の長さ564ページ
- 言語英語
- 発売日2005/1/3
- 寸法15.24 x 3.56 x 22.86 cm
- ISBN-100786714840
- ISBN-13978-0786714841
商品の説明
レビュー
"This is an important work that will deepen our understanding of the past, present, and future of China."
著者について
Jonathan Fenby, a former editor of the Observer and the South China Morning Post, is author of several books, including the acclaimed On the Brink: The Trouble with France, and Dealing with the Dragon: A Year in the New Hong Kong. He lives in the United Kingdom.
登録情報
- 出版社 : Da Capo Press; Reprint版 (2005/1/3)
- 発売日 : 2005/1/3
- 言語 : 英語
- ペーパーバック : 564ページ
- ISBN-10 : 0786714840
- ISBN-13 : 978-0786714841
- 寸法 : 15.24 x 3.56 x 22.86 cm
- カスタマーレビュー:
著者について
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CR
5つ星のうち4.0
Great book! Just wished it touched on Chiang's life in Taiwan as well
2015年6月17日にカナダでレビュー済みAmazonで購入
Sergey Radchenko
5つ星のうち4.0
China Chiang lost and won
2014年1月13日にアメリカ合衆国でレビュー済みAmazonで購入
Fenby chose the Xi'an incident of December 1936 as the prologue for the book, exposing his readers right away to the drama of Chiang's detention, a key turning point in the Generalissimo's struggle for China. If Zhang Xueliang, who arrested Chiang, instead supported his commander in the final assault on the Communist positions, perhaps China would be reunified there and then. These ifs - Chiang's long list of lost opportunities - are brought vividly to light in this excellent biography, highlighting Chiang's numerous failures, as well as his remarkable ability to bounce back from the brink of defeat.
Chiang's main problem, in Fenby's account, was his method of leadership. Chiang was a master of political intrigue, of playing one rival faction against another, of forging and breaking alliances. But often Chiang's scheming, even if it achieved his immediate narrow ends, undermined his long-term objectives, fatally weakening the Generalissimo at crucial turning points in the struggle against the Japanese and the Communists. A micromanager, Chiang lacked a broader vision of what he wanted to accomplish: ultimately, even though he won many battles, he lost the war.
Fenby pulls no punches in his account of Chiang's relationship with his main ally and sponsor, the United States. The stars of the powerplay - the Generalissimo and "Vinegar Joe" Stillwell - were both at fault for allowing their personal vendettas interfere with the broader war effort. Each side pulled strings in Washington, leaving Roosevelt at a loss as to what to do about China, which was anyhow way down his list of priorities. But Stillwell, in particular, is criticized for his vanity, presumptuousness and stubbornness, and for putting his glorious campaign in Burma above the needs of the China theatre, especially at the time of the crucial Ichigo offensive. Had not Chiang and Swillwell worked at cross-purposes, perhaps China would have done better in the protracted war against Japan, leaving the GMD in a better position to cope with the Communist challenge.
Who lost China? Fenby is ambiguous on this point. He does seem to blame George Marshall at one point for his naïve efforts to bring the Guomindang and the Communists to the negotiating table, which allowed the CCP forces to regroup and may have ultimately cost Chiang his victory in the Civil War. At the same time, Fenby's account of the GMD's difficulties - rampant inflation, corruption, loss of support in the countryside - suggests that Washington could do very little to save the regime from collapse.
Equally ambiguous is Fenby's treatment of the Chiang-Mao talks in the early postwar. In places he seems to argue that if Chiang showed more willingness to compromise and if he had adopted democratic reforms, some modus vivendi could have been reached with the Communists. But elsewhere, Fenby relapses into a more fatalistic view that Chiang and Mao would fight to the death, and that there really was not ground for a compromise solution.
Fenby opens a revealing window into the Generalissimo's personal life, his relationship with his mother, his son, and, most intriguingly, with his wives, especially Soong Meiling, the "empress" of China. Fenby draws a fascinating portrait of Madame Chiang - attractive, intelligent but also vain and vicious, a pillar of support for her aloof husband but also a tireless plotter who at one point even had an affair with Wendell Willkie and conspired to rule the world hand-in-hand with the Republican hopeful. Chiang, despite his occasional womanizing, comes across as a family man (certainly, compared to Mao), a fatherly Confucian figure who treated his wives and children as he treated his nation: sternly but with some benevolence.
Was the cup half-empty or half-full? While stressing the Guomindang's multiple failures, Fenby gives credit to Chiang for implementing crucial, if aborted, reforms during the Nanjing decade, for uniting China, for raising her international profile to the exalted (even if superficial) status as one of the Great Four, for persisting in the war against Japan in the face of dire odds. Even if Chiang lost China, China was not lost. In part through his efforts it returned to the world stage as a nation, rather than a motley assembly of warring fiefdoms.
In his conclusion, Fenby addresses deeper questions of the meaning of China's encounter with modernity. Today's China in some ways has come to resemble China of the Nanjing decade, and the CCP, mired in corruption and in-fighting, looks more and more like the Guomindang of old. Yet China has also made a leap to modernity of the kind that would have tallied well with Chiang's hopes for his nation. In a strange way, then, the CCP continues Chiang's revolution. In the meantime, Chiang's republic in Taiwan made a leap of another kind - to democracy and rule of law, which are still absent in the mainland. This, then, is the irony of Chiang's life and times: China's present-day is more his than Mao's and, who knows, perhaps China's future is also his. One day, if and when China is democratized and reunified, Chiang's embalmed remains will return to the country that he had lost but also won.
Chiang's main problem, in Fenby's account, was his method of leadership. Chiang was a master of political intrigue, of playing one rival faction against another, of forging and breaking alliances. But often Chiang's scheming, even if it achieved his immediate narrow ends, undermined his long-term objectives, fatally weakening the Generalissimo at crucial turning points in the struggle against the Japanese and the Communists. A micromanager, Chiang lacked a broader vision of what he wanted to accomplish: ultimately, even though he won many battles, he lost the war.
Fenby pulls no punches in his account of Chiang's relationship with his main ally and sponsor, the United States. The stars of the powerplay - the Generalissimo and "Vinegar Joe" Stillwell - were both at fault for allowing their personal vendettas interfere with the broader war effort. Each side pulled strings in Washington, leaving Roosevelt at a loss as to what to do about China, which was anyhow way down his list of priorities. But Stillwell, in particular, is criticized for his vanity, presumptuousness and stubbornness, and for putting his glorious campaign in Burma above the needs of the China theatre, especially at the time of the crucial Ichigo offensive. Had not Chiang and Swillwell worked at cross-purposes, perhaps China would have done better in the protracted war against Japan, leaving the GMD in a better position to cope with the Communist challenge.
Who lost China? Fenby is ambiguous on this point. He does seem to blame George Marshall at one point for his naïve efforts to bring the Guomindang and the Communists to the negotiating table, which allowed the CCP forces to regroup and may have ultimately cost Chiang his victory in the Civil War. At the same time, Fenby's account of the GMD's difficulties - rampant inflation, corruption, loss of support in the countryside - suggests that Washington could do very little to save the regime from collapse.
Equally ambiguous is Fenby's treatment of the Chiang-Mao talks in the early postwar. In places he seems to argue that if Chiang showed more willingness to compromise and if he had adopted democratic reforms, some modus vivendi could have been reached with the Communists. But elsewhere, Fenby relapses into a more fatalistic view that Chiang and Mao would fight to the death, and that there really was not ground for a compromise solution.
Fenby opens a revealing window into the Generalissimo's personal life, his relationship with his mother, his son, and, most intriguingly, with his wives, especially Soong Meiling, the "empress" of China. Fenby draws a fascinating portrait of Madame Chiang - attractive, intelligent but also vain and vicious, a pillar of support for her aloof husband but also a tireless plotter who at one point even had an affair with Wendell Willkie and conspired to rule the world hand-in-hand with the Republican hopeful. Chiang, despite his occasional womanizing, comes across as a family man (certainly, compared to Mao), a fatherly Confucian figure who treated his wives and children as he treated his nation: sternly but with some benevolence.
Was the cup half-empty or half-full? While stressing the Guomindang's multiple failures, Fenby gives credit to Chiang for implementing crucial, if aborted, reforms during the Nanjing decade, for uniting China, for raising her international profile to the exalted (even if superficial) status as one of the Great Four, for persisting in the war against Japan in the face of dire odds. Even if Chiang lost China, China was not lost. In part through his efforts it returned to the world stage as a nation, rather than a motley assembly of warring fiefdoms.
In his conclusion, Fenby addresses deeper questions of the meaning of China's encounter with modernity. Today's China in some ways has come to resemble China of the Nanjing decade, and the CCP, mired in corruption and in-fighting, looks more and more like the Guomindang of old. Yet China has also made a leap to modernity of the kind that would have tallied well with Chiang's hopes for his nation. In a strange way, then, the CCP continues Chiang's revolution. In the meantime, Chiang's republic in Taiwan made a leap of another kind - to democracy and rule of law, which are still absent in the mainland. This, then, is the irony of Chiang's life and times: China's present-day is more his than Mao's and, who knows, perhaps China's future is also his. One day, if and when China is democratized and reunified, Chiang's embalmed remains will return to the country that he had lost but also won.
Jerry
5つ星のうち5.0
Very pleased with this order
2024年1月24日にアメリカ合衆国でレビュー済みAmazonで購入
This book arrived today, days ahead of expectation. It was brand new, shipped in a cellophane protective cover. Couldn't be better.
Gisli Jokull Gislason
5つ星のうち5.0
A good book on Chinese history as well as the man.
2014年10月30日に英国でレビュー済みAmazonで購入
I have been reading up on World War 2 in China and this book comes with my best recommendations. Fenby gives a very good background to events leading up to the War with Japan and clarifies a number of important parts of Chinese history and is unafraid to tackle legends in a clear way.
In fact I found that he explains a number of things that before didn't make much sense to me.
Even though the subject is Chiang Kai Shek it is also every bit the history of China and Chiang Kai Shek is clearly one of the big three men to influence the history of China, the other two are Mao and Sun Yat-sen. I should add I found that this book does a good job of telling Sun Yat-sen's story as well and explains the events leading up to Mao's and the communist victory in 1949.
I recommend this book to anyone with an interest in the subject of the histroy of China and found it very useful. In fact I found it more useful in this regard than Rana Mitters book China's War with Japan, 1937-1945: The Struggle for Survival as it explains underlying causes much more clearly.
For the military side I should point out Harmsens book Shanghai 1937: Stalingrad on the Yangtze which so far is one of the best books on the fighting of the period.
In fact I found that he explains a number of things that before didn't make much sense to me.
Even though the subject is Chiang Kai Shek it is also every bit the history of China and Chiang Kai Shek is clearly one of the big three men to influence the history of China, the other two are Mao and Sun Yat-sen. I should add I found that this book does a good job of telling Sun Yat-sen's story as well and explains the events leading up to Mao's and the communist victory in 1949.
I recommend this book to anyone with an interest in the subject of the histroy of China and found it very useful. In fact I found it more useful in this regard than Rana Mitters book China's War with Japan, 1937-1945: The Struggle for Survival as it explains underlying causes much more clearly.
For the military side I should point out Harmsens book Shanghai 1937: Stalingrad on the Yangtze which so far is one of the best books on the fighting of the period.
jamesas@sympatico.ca
5つ星のうち3.0
A well preserved copy
2017年1月13日にカナダでレビュー済みAmazonで購入
A well preserved copy of an important book