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The Fall and Rise of China: Healing the Trauma of History ペーパーバック – 2013/8/15

4.3 5つ星のうち4.3 10個の評価

 Today, China is a global power, home to the world&;s fastest-growing economy and largest standing army&;which makes it hard to believe that only 150 years ago, China was enduring defeats by Western imperial powers and neighboring Japan. For a time, the Middle Kingdom seemed like it was on the verge of being overtaken by foreign interests&;but the country has quickly and ambitiously become a player on the world stage once again. In this absorbing account of how China refashioned itself, Paul U. Unschuld traces the course of the country&;s development in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Faced with evidence of the superiority of Western science and technology, Unschuld shows, China delivered an unsparing self-diagnosis, identifying those aspects of Western civilization it had to adopt in order to remove the cultural impediments to its own renaissance. He reveals that China did not just express its many aversions to the West as collective hatred for its aggressors; rather, the country chose the path of reason and fundamental renewal, prescribing for itself a therapy that followed the same principles as Chinese medicine: the cause of an illness lies first and foremost within oneself. In curing its wounds by first admitting its own deficiencies and mistakes, China has been able to develop itself as a modern country and a leading competitor in science, technology, and education. Presenting an entirely new analysis of China&;s past, this crisp, concise book offers new insights into the possibilities of what China may achieve in the future.
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商品の説明

著者について

Paul U. Unschuld is professor at and director of the Horst-Goertz Endowment Institute for the Theory, History, and Ethics of Chinese Life Sciences at Charité-Medical University Berlin. He is the author of Medicine in China: A History of Ideas.

登録情報

  • 出版社 ‏ : ‎ Reaktion Books (2013/8/15)
  • 発売日 ‏ : ‎ 2013/8/15
  • 言語 ‏ : ‎ 英語
  • ペーパーバック ‏ : ‎ 200ページ
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1780231687
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1780231686
  • 寸法 ‏ : ‎ 12.7 x 1.52 x 19.69 cm
  • カスタマーレビュー:
    4.3 5つ星のうち4.3 10個の評価

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JohnnyBGoode
5つ星のうち5.0 Nice book
2016年9月15日にアメリカ合衆国でレビュー済み
Amazonで購入
An Interesting read by sinologist Professor Unschuld. He is very knowledgable. Love his books about Chinese Medicine, in particular the history of CM.
Paul D. Buell
5つ星のうち5.0 Paul D. Buell
2013年11月6日にドイツでレビュー済み
Amazonで購入
Paul Unschuld's new book sets out to answer the question as to why China acts the way it does today and this he seeks to do by looking at past history, in particular China's traumas suffered during the age of imperialism, and at basic cultural values. He shows that while China's traumas, such things as the humiliation of the Opium Wars, particularly China's dreadful experience with Japan, are still important for the Chinese and drivers of Chinese nationalism, the ways in which the Chinese have responded to past national humiliations is different that what one might expect, the way Americans would react, for example. That is, instead of blaming others, the Chinese have in essence blamed themselves for not better taking control of their own fates. Thus China's recent resurgence is itself a part of the experience of national humiliation but instead of being depressed the Chinese have sought to rebuild, restructure and, most important, find out a way to be better and come out on top, to be the best. As a result, China's current prosperity and upswing in technology (teleportation, genetics, etc.) and other areas is the upside of past bad experiences and the current China might be different but for what has happened in the recent past. To support his discussion, Unschuld not only provides a capsule history, but looks as such things as Chinese medicine and literature as expressing deeply-held Chinese values. He also uses material not normally seen in books of this type, the experiences of Germans in China, for example, something which English-speaking readers might not be familiar with. In conclusion, the books is highly useful and provides much new insight. It will not replace but clearly supplement the existing general histories and needs to be read alongside of them.
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Xian Min Zhang
5つ星のうち5.0 Enjoyable reading
2014年4月30日にアメリカ合衆国でレビュー済み
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Being a Chinese reading this book was an insightful exercise of staring into a sliver coated mirror. I recommend it
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Sceptique500
5つ星のうち2.0 Confusing or confused
2013年9月24日にドイツでレビュー済み
Amazonで購入
This book's US distributor, the respected University of Chicago Press, advertised the work in the online version of the hallowed Foreign Affairs. To readers busy studying international relations, and China in particular, here is my advice: do not waste time on a book combining cookie-cutter views of societies and political theories with a quirky and at best narrow understanding of Chinese civilization. There is the icing on this undigested and indigestible cake: the translation is pedestrian to a German fault. One wonders what "cogs with various mast sizes" (Pg. 37) are. Those addicted to EU jargon will find relief with the term "preventative" (Pg. 35) - according to my dictionary, one finds this term only in EU documents. "Case", rather than the canonical "chest" is used to measure "importations" of opium (Pg. 39).

The book's central thesis is "quirky:" it's a long time since deep culture was used to explain 200 years of contingent history. It is "narrow" because it ties everything to medical beliefs. Just for amusement, at the end I have developed an alternative, equally plausible explanation. My conjecture is in fact better: with it I can explain the Great Leap Forward, and the Cultural Revolution.

Why was the book written? The last sentence gives it away: "As Wen reminded the Europeans `the key to overcoming the debt crisis must be Europe's own effort.'" This book is not about China at all. This book harks back to the end of the XVIIth century, when political scientists held up China to the European despots as the perfect example.

Here is the blurb: "In this absorbing account of how China refashioned itself, Paul U. Unschuld traces the course of the country's development in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Faced with evidence of the superiority of Western science and technology, Unschuld shows, China delivered an unsparing self-diagnosis, identifying those aspects of Western civilization it had to adopt in order to remove the cultural impediments to its own renaissance. He reveals that China did not just express its many aversions to the West as collective hatred for its aggressors; rather, the country chose the path of reason and fundamental renewal, prescribing for itself a therapy that followed the same principles as Chinese medicine: the cause of an illness lies first and foremost within oneself. In curing its wounds by first admitting its own deficiencies and mistakes, China has been able to develop itself as a modern country and a leading competitor in science, technology, and education."

This is an allegory of the complex political process of renewal of China. The author reifies China: China is "humiliated" and "traumatized"; China stands up to the challenge, however, "refashioning", "delivering an unsparing self-diagnosis," "prescribing itself a therapy." The author even speaks of China being an "organism." (Pg. 158) Hereupon, the author construes an analogy with traditional Chinese medicine. China self-medicates itself to health. Presumably, and following Ge Hong's teachings, China will now brew an elixir and extend its life indefinitely. Allegories make for compelling wall paintings in the Hall of the People; are they good analytical tools?

According to the author, in Chinese traditional society: "people lived believing that they were completely controlled by the deeds and misdeeds of their ancestors. Nine generations of the deceased were always being called to account for the crimes committed during their lives on earth. Each charge and the punishment likely to follow affected the well-being of the living. The living did not stand a chance." (Pg. 102). I'm an ignoramus in matters Chinese, but in the 50 years that I have read both Chinese literature and history, I never came across such a notion. I would have preferred, therefore, something more than bald assertion.

Parenthetically: the author contrasts this, in the same chapter, with Europe's "fundamentally positive, optimistic, and trusting attitude towards life." (Pg. 104). One wonders what happened to original sin, Paulus, Augustine, Luther, and Calvin.

China underwent a Copernican revolution of sorts: "the new medicine that emerged in the centuries preceding and during the first millennium CE focused on demonstrating to people the possibilities of leading their lives autonomously." (Pg. 112) The author then continues: "we must keep this facet of Chinese culture - the individual responsibility for happiness and sorrow, health and illness - in the back of our minds together with the still predominant principle of mistrust." (Pg. 113) This mistrust remains unchanged: "A pervasive mistrust of all people not bound by family, a teacher-pupil relationship, together with a traditional winner-take-all attitude toward losers, are all obstacles that cannot be removed from one day to the next or even in the foreseeable future." (Pg. 179).

Two souls in one body: China is both autonomous and mistrusting. This vaguely recalls Ayn Rand to me, but I'm just an European "leftist" (Pg. 119) "apportioning the blame for the peoples' sufferings to those who are better off" (Pg. 147) rather than taking my fate in my own hands. (Pg. 182)

The author praises China for not "venting its many individual aversions to the West as collective hatred of the aggressors" (Pg. 8) but rather avoiding "terrorist attacks and counterstrikes" in the clash of cultures. For details see (Pg. 100) One hears here strong echoes of Huntington and Bernard Lewis. I only have one problem with the heroic view of China: India was colonized, hence humiliated even more than China, in many ways. India emerged from decolonization with a blend of indigenous and imported cultures, and this after using non-violence as its best tool. China's experience is far from unique.

"Cultural" explanations can be used to explain just about anything and the opposite. Here a contrary example, which is just as plausible, but points in the opposite direction than the thesis of the book. When the pure, orthodox and incorruptible Judge Bao, who lived under Emperor Renzong (Song dynasty), is named to the prefecture of Kaifeng, he needs to find eight "guarantors," whom he chooses among the top imperial administrators (e.g. Chancellor Black Wang) (seeJudge Bao and the Rule of Law: Eight Ballad-Stories from the Period 1250-1450) (pg. xxxi). Guarantors are personally liable for the behavior of their charge. If he is demoted, they pay the price as well. Guarantors have a collective responsibility, and they secure harmony by overseeing the actions of their charge: "Above and below, the Suwen repeats, the same rules apply everywhere." (pg. 113) Collective responsibility and harmony are synonymous.

We find this "collective responsibility" model in villages, were ten households are similarly bonded together and made responsible for the behavior of any of its members. An equivalent principle underpinned the army's structure. This model probably was at least as pervasive as the one of personal responsibility the author describes (and favors).

One might argue that traditional Chinese medicine is imbued in this principle of "harmony" as "collective responsibility" - the author points to it when he points out that health of the whole is obtained through "inner balance" of the parts of the body. Surgery never developed in traditional China because "taking out" diseased parts would destroy the very basis for restoring inner harmony.

"Collective responsibility" still informs Chinese society: the CCP is not "above the law" - as many pundits with little knowledge of the deeper sources of the Chinese worldview make it out to be - the CCP as a whole is a unit of "collective responsibility" providing harmony. Collective "struggle" against the culprit and eventual expulsion from the CCP is a pre-condition for normal justice to begin operating precisely because harmony has to be restored first. Only confession reestablishes harmony - hence forcing the culprit to do so, publicly and repeatedly.

We in the West may be horrified at the idea of "collective responsibility" and consider it the epitome of injustice, but it has its logic in a "relational worldview". The "struggle sessions" in every village and town during the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution may be explained by using this "collective responsibility" lens. The "confessions" which were extorted may reflect this unconscious need to restore "harmony." I'm not arguing that this conjecture is right, I would not be such a fool, but it is just as plausible as the one favored by the author.

Obviously, "collective responsibility and the "author's "the individual responsibility for happiness and sorrow, health and illness" would have difficulty coexisting.

Two more specific comments at the end. One wonders to what extent Daoist medicine of long life was more than an "elite thing". The authors quoted would not convince me that popular Chinese culture was imbued by them. Secondly, the author seems to ignore the strong social and medical policies of the Song (see: The Age of Confucian Rule: The Song Transformation of China (History of Imperial China)), which placed China at that time well ahead of Europe.